U.S Security Policy in Asia Pacific with Respect to the Rise of China and how it has changed

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United States of America security policies tend to outdo the Chinas’ interest over Asian –pacific. There are main areas that have made China to develop interest on Asian- Pacific region such as the Periphery stability, strategic environment and the political neutrality of Taiwan (Chen ets al. 2010, P. 55)

Chinas’ major concern is the stability of the Korean Peninsula but also the United States have shown interest on this area. It has sort to unify the Korea Peninsula by the policies made in Washington However, the interest of the United States is a threat to China. To China the security of the surrounding is very vital so as to maintain security in the region (Kuchins 2007, P. 323).  Secondly, the unification of the security arrangements of Korea is very important. This is because of the future trends of reconciliation, trade and security purposes.

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U.S republicans are in the fear of the security ambitions that the Chinese have towards Asia and worldwide as accommodating the Chinese in the American government will outdo the U.S security policy effectiveness. This has made China to pose as a major competitor of U.S in formulating, and implementing security policies (Shambaugh ets al. 2008, P. 123). China’s main point is advancing their military forces in order to overthrow the other superpowers with their might and to dominate this region.peripher

The China’s rise has had little direct and rather negative impact on the U.S interests and leadership in Asia. China des oppose U.S leadership in several ways, and danger exists that such opposition could grow in importance as china expands relations and influence in Asia. China, also poses as an alternative to U.S leadership for several Asian states, encouraging them to move away from past close alignment with the United States. On balance, the main recent problems for US interests and leadership in Asia appear to lie elsewhere with china having little direct bearing to the issues.

It is crucial to note that, the main influencers of China’s rising and influence in Asia are not closely related to the key determinants recently affecting U.S control and leadership in Asia. This partly reflects the design of Chinese leaders.

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The Chinese leaders remain determined that whatever possible, china’s rising influence should not be seen as a threat to its neighbors and especially the United States. Reflecting on the U.S ability to exert influence on China to get her to stop doing things it would ordinarily be inclined to do (Kuchins 2007, P. 323).  Chinese leaders also viewed that, by directly confronting American interests could lead to opposition from the newly elected Bush administration that might seriously impede china’s efforts to develop economically and military.

In recent years, Chinese officials have sought to minimize American concern over china’s growth through various means. Notably is an extensive diplomatic effort to persuade Americans and other observers that china intends to rise peacefully and, if possible, in close cooperation with the United States (Shambaugh ets al. 2008, P. 123). The Chinese diplomatic effort highlights the negative experiences of previous fast rising powers: Germany before World War I, and Japan before World War II. Established powers seem to have viewed the rising powers as threats, united against them, and ultimately destroyed them. While few Chinese leaders see the U.S superpower leading an effort to destroy china. They recognize that united states led opposition to aspects of china’s rise could seriously impede Chinese development, posing serious complications for Chinese political stability and economic development.

There are many factors that make the security policy of the U.S to have a great impact on Asia. However, these factors have posed to be a threat to Chinas’ interest on Asia.

 

The existing balance of power

The difficulties in assessing and measuring influence among governments, as well as differences between determinants of china’s recent importance and influence in Asia and determinants of U.S leadership and influence in Asia, it is sometimes difficult to compare and contrast Chinese and U.S power and influence in the region and to assess the implications of China’s rising influence on U.S leadership in Asia. Nonetheless, one can briefly review the successes and setbacks in china’s improved relations with neighboring governments, assessing whether and to what degree has china gained in relations with Asian governments relative to the U.S relations with these countries.

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The existing balance of power

The difficulties in assessing and measuring influence among governments, as well as differences between determinants of china’s recent importance and influence in Asia and determinants of U.S leadership and influence in Asia, it is sometimes difficult to compare and contrast Chinese and U.S power and influence in the region and to assess the implications of China’s rising influence on U.S leadership in Asia  (Snyder ets al. 2009, P.25). Nonetheless, one can briefly review the successes and setbacks in china’s improved relations with neighboring governments, assessing whether and to what degree has china gained in relations with Asian governments relative to the U.S relations with these countries.

Perceptions and concepts

A common opinion in the U.S. about China’s long-standing policy objectives in Asia is that; Beijing seeks to be the regional hegemony and would like to restore a Sino centric array in the world. This was wrong. Firstly, Beijing deemed in the tendency of multi-polarization rather than uni-polarization at both international and regional levels; and foresaw that with constant profitable improvement and emergent intra-regional political discussion in Asia, control on regional dealings will be more varied, and more consistently distributed. Secondly, even though China expects some relative increase in its authority in Asia, it comprehends that due to the limits of its power (Dickson ets al. 2008, P. 28). China can never attain a place as compelling as its role in the ancient past or to the U.S role in the region at present (O’Brien ets al. 2008, P. 91).

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Another assumption is that, in the long run, China will attempt to compel the U.S. out of East Asia. Again this is incorrect. From Beijing’s point of view, the United States is an Asia-Pacific power, although not an Asian power, and it’s political, economic and security interests in the region are deep-rooted, as are its obligation to regional permanence and success. Furthermore, the United States and China also hold varying ideas of national and regional safeguards.

Unilateral security and mutual security

The United States owns the most commanding armed forces worldwide. However, its continued propelling of funds into its defense industry to develop even more sophisticated offensive military hardware, thus retaining its paramount superiority in both conservative and tactical armory.

The Chinese know that security is at all times mutual, and when one side tries to enhance its security, it has to take into account the impact on the security of others (Steinfeld ets al. 2010, P. 74).While any country has the legitimate right to develop its defensive and offensive capability as it likes, a responsible power should avoid seeking unilateral security and instead should promote mutual or common security.

The Chinese leaders remain determined that whatever possible, china’s rising influence should not be seen as a threat to its neighbors and especially the United States. Reflecting on the U.S ability to exert influence on China to get her to stop doing things it would ordinarily be inclined to do (Christensen ets al, 2001, P.23). Chinese leaders also viewed that, by directly confronting American interests could lead to opposition from the newly elected Bush administration that might seriously impede china’s efforts to develop economically and militarily.

In recent years, Chinese officials have sought to minimize American concern over china’s growth through various means. Notably is an extensive diplomatic effort to persuade Americans and other observers that china intends to rise peacefully and, if possible, in close cooperation with the United States (Mertha ets al. 2008, P.45). The Chinese diplomatic effort highlights the negative experiences of previous fast rising powers: Germany before World War I, and Japan before World War II. Established powers seem to have viewed the rising powers as threats, united against them, and ultimately destroyed them (Christensen ets al. 2006, P.81). While few Chinese leaders see the U.S superpower leading an effort to destroy china. They recognize that united states led opposition to aspects of china’s rise could seriously impede Chinese development, posing serious complications for Chinese political stability and economic development.

Conclusion

The United States security policy within the Asia-Pacific area directly influences China’s security welfare, either positively or negatively.  The U.S has been playing a key task in upholding a stable security surrounding in East Asia in view of the fact that the Vietnam War had come to an end. China has been mutually a significant provider to and a chief recipient of tranquility and solidity in the expanse.

The United States guiding principle towards Japan, regardless of its deficiencies, has thus far aided to make certain that Japan remains a nonviolent pacifist nation, which gives out the welfares of both Japan and the whole region.

On the side of the Korean isthmus, China and the U.S. share three policy objectives: no conflict between the North and South; no nuclear weaponry; and no disintegration of North Korea. In reality, China and the U.S are the two sole providers of food aid to North Korea. In respect to the future, both China and U.S welcome the bringing together of and nonviolent common amalgamation between the two Koreas (Christensen ets al. 2006, P.81).

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United States of America security policies tend to outdo the Chinas’ interest over Asian –pacific. There are main areas that have made China to develop interest on Asian- Pacific region such as the Periphery stability, strategic environment and the political neutrality of Taiwan.

Chinas’ major concern is the stability of the Korean Peninsula but also the United States have shown interest on this area. It has sort to unify the Korea Peninsula by the policies made in Washington However, the interest of the United States is a threat to China. To China the security of the surrounding is very vital so as to maintain security in the region. Secondly, the unification of the security arrangements of Korea is very important. This is because of the future trends of reconciliation, trade and security purposes.

The Security policy of U.S

The factors that have troubled the U.S-Asia relations are dealing human rights and safeguards. The detachment of China’s human rights record in 1994 from the Most Favored Nation treatment, the termination of the Beijing-Washington marathon negotiations on china’s world trade organization in 1999 caused human rights and marketing to reduce the tension between the two countries. Security issues as witnessed in the mid-1990s seem to be the most crucial strategy in the bilateral relations (Hachigian et al, 2008, p. 30). Both china and the US have different concepts of security, thus the differences in their security practices; A level both the country’s security interests merge and diverge, with the United States deeming China as a covert rival. Whilst both countries pursue their own security interests within Asia, each has to adapt itself to the changing economic, political and security selection of the region. To ensure sustainable and peaceful equilibrium, both countries have had to do changes in their ongoing security policies and maintain a balance.

The most significant debate for the United States is their know-how and response to the threats shamed by global terrorist organizations. The Islamic resurgence and the attacks have clearly demonstrated the United States’ ability to implement strong tolls in Asia. The problem of security in Asia not only comes from nonstate actors but also from the states themselves. Despite the avoidance of international conflicts since the 1970s, pressure is still available. Any deliberation as to what actions should be undertaken should be considered to ensure there is an alteration in the balance of power within the regions.

Many often contrast growing Chinese-Asian trade statistics, political behavior and reliable public opinion polls with the seeming decline in the United States’ influence in Asia on recount of it its obsession away, military forcefulness and limited international relations. They see the United States focusing on geostrategic matters, notable combating international terrorists, too much less appealing to Asian governments and citizens than china’s accommodating geo economic emphasis. Some experts adjudicate that these trends are not particularly undesirable to US interests.

Impressive changes in the power of several Asian countries have witnessed in the two previous decades. The most significant been India and china, whose military and economic capacities have by so far grown faster than those of their respective neighbours. China’s economic expansion has empowered its capital Beijing to increase the rate of its military modernization, by financing improved training and acquisition of new and more complicated weapons.

 

The American government has put in place security policies in reaction to the recent development changes. These strategic defence policies are meant to resolve the potential conflicts that can arise between the states. Recently China has emerged as a major superpower block (Christensen et al. 2006, p.102). This made the US to react by formulating policies that have a regional and global context. This action helps the US to maintain its superiority as a major super power block. The US has to be well equipped and versed with protection strategies that will help it to suppress other countries in case of any eventuality like war. China has become more advanced technologically, with countries like Korea manufacturing superior weapons (Carlson et al. 2008, p.320). There are several factors that have lead to the long lasting alliance between the US and Asia countries. They include shared values, common history, diplomatic attention and common threat perceptions.

The nuclear weapons are extremely dangerous and pose a global security threat. The US therefore, had to formulate policies that would help to protect the interests of other inferior groups. These policies assist the US to carry out activities such as destroying nuclear weapons exercise. The US has the capacity to negotiate with nations like North Korea in order for them to withdraw or destroy the nuclear weapons (Kuchins and Andrew 2007, p.322).

The US also tries to create peace whenever there is a major war crisis. In order to achieve their set policies, they must have the power to negotiate or suppress the other resistant powers. The US saw the need to have the security policies because they can step in to protect other countries in case a need arises. The US security policy has helped countries like Iraq during the Saddam Hussein reign. The US intervention helped the citizens to cope with the bad effects of war. The US deploys its forces and other humanitarian groups to help the war torn countries. The US security policies consider national and global security as one of its main responsibility. The sudden increase in power of China due to its significant economic growth added its superiority complex. The US security policies try to help China to adjust to the power effect in a positive manner. The US perceives China is a major threat and a competitor due to China’s newly acquired power status (Shamburg et al, 2005, p 46).

The US feels that it has a responsibility to suppress interstates conflicts. The US security policies are faced by many challenges. They include the Korean and Taiwan conflicts and other Islamic militias who threaten to cause a major war. The war effects can be extremely damaging leading to loss of lives, wealth, prestige, and power and this can cause great human sufferings. It is for this reason that the US feels that they have the responsibility of formulating and enacting policies that protects global and regional interests of all the nations. Critics view the US security policies as a means of the US trying to guard its own interest. The critics further argue that the US wants to remain as the dominating super power block (Hachigian et al, 2008, p. 32). This may be untrue considering how some countries misuse their economic power by manufacturing of atomic weapons. These weapons are extremely dangerous their use can cause a global disaster.

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The US security policies help to regulate these countries through diplomatic means (Roberts, Cynthia 2010, p 52). Resisting countries have to be suppressed because they can pose a global threat. The US has fallen victim of the terrorist attacks with some instances where the attacks are also directed to the US embassies in other foreign countries. The Pentagon attack in the US was one of the major attacks that were thought to be as a result of terrorist activities. Other attacks in foreign countries like the bombing of the US Embassy in Kenya back in 1998, was attested to terrorist activities against the US. Such activities prompt the US to increase their vigil on the potential sources of insecurity. These conflicts have severed the relationship of the US and these countries.

Asia is believed to be a major threat for the US in future. This has made the US to respond through establishing some bilateral policies in a bid to position itself against the communist expansion. US have implemented strategies and policies that are meant to assist it in overcoming the challenge posed by the Asian countries. According to Jim Leach, the maintenance of a strong military force has been a key element in the US security policy. This policy has been applied in the Asian and Pacific nation which has helped in promoting regional stability. The US administration has successfully maintained the stability and network among the Asia Pacific alliances.

The US security policies are meant to protect the image of the US. Loss of its superior power image can lead to serious social and financial problems of the US. Many countries look upon the US as a powerful nation that has solutions to many problems. In fact some countries rely on the support of the US in case of war crisis (Carlson et al, 2008. p. 305)

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Unfortunately, other Asian countries like China, Russia and Korea are really rising up and occupying the post of the major super power blocks. This creates more pressure on the US national security policies. China threat to the US security policy makes the US have insecurities about the future of the America as a super power block.

 

The US faces many challenges in enacting its security policies. Not all the countries are supportive of the US ideas. Some of the countries like Korea have at some point defied the orders of the US. This is a country that is well endowed in the military sector. Korea possesses nuclear weapons which are extremely dangerous to the security of other nations. The US has to tread carefully even as they confront the Koreans. The US also faces the challenge of lack of support from other countries. For instance, Muslim based wars believe in Jihad. Networks like Al Qaeda have been known to have strong links in many countries. Such countries may not support the US in its quest for security.

The US security policies for counteracting terrorism have always been under review. Different leaders have always tried to amend the policies in order for them to overcome the challenges that they normally face. In the meantime, US have to work with countries like China and Russia although the US security policy is inadequate (Baker et al, 1992, 17). The US will continue facing in adequate support from the Asian based countries as far as counteracting terrorism is concerned. The Asian countries have different security policies from those of the US.

 

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References

Christensen, Thomas J 2006, ‘Fostering Stability or Creating a Monstor? The Rise of China           and U.S. Policy Towards East Asia’,  International Security, vol. 31, no.1, pp.  81-126

Kuchins, Andrew 2007, ‘Russia and China: The Ambivalent Embrace’, Current History vol.         106, no.702 , pp.321-327.

Christensen, Thomas 2001, “Posing Problems without Catching Up: China’s Rise and       Challenges for U.S. Security Policy,” International Security, vol. 25, no.4:pp. 5-40.

Chen, Jie and Bruce J. Dickson 2010, ‘Allies of the State: China’s Private Entrepreneurs and        Democratic Change’, Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Dickson, Bruce J 2008, ‘Wealth into Power: The Communist Party’s Embrace of China’s Private Sector’, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Mertha, Andrew 2008, ‘China’s Water Warriors: Citizen Action and Policy Change’, Ithaca:        Cornell University Press.

O’Brien, Kevin J 2008, ‘Popular Protest in China’, Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Steinfeld, Edward S 2010, ‘Playing Our Game: Why China’s Rise Doesn’t Threaten the   West’, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Snyder, Scott 2009, ‘China’s Rise and the Two Koreas: Politics, Economics, Security’,     Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.

Shamburg, David 2008, ‘China’s Communist Party: Atrophy and Adaptation’, Washington          and Berkeley: Woodrow Wilson Center and University of California Press.

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